Vital Points on the Iran Deal and Its Many Major Flaws

II Must see video by Professor Mordchai Kedar – The US Congress about to vote on the Iran Nuclear Disaster, another Holocaust for the Jews with the Americans and the rest of the world not far behind.

Vital Points on the Iran Deal and It’s Many Major Flaws

Hopes by the U.S. Admin. that the agreement will bring moderation of the fanatical Iranian regime are nothing more than naïve illusion and wishful thinking.

Redacted from a complete evaluation.

By Brig.-Gen. (res.) Yossi Kuperwasser and Amb. Alan Baker

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Redacted from a complete evaluation. 

By Brig.-Gen. (res.) Yossi Kuperwasser and Amb. Alan Baker

Jerusalem Issue Briefs Vol. 15, No. 27

August 27, 2015

-The nuclear agreement with the main world powers is set to enable Iran safely, legally, and without economic hardships or changes in its rogue policies, to overcome the main obstacles on its way to possessing a nuclear weapons arsenal and becoming a regional hegemonic power.

-The agreement will legally provide Iran with the capability to shorten the time required to produce such an arsenal within the next 10-15 years (including the production of fissile material, weaponization, acquiring delivery systems, and improved military capabilities to protect the military nuclear program), so that it would be practically impossible to stop it.

-This is in exchange for a questionable and barely verifiable Iranian commitment to avoid producing arms and some limited restrictions on its nuclear program for 10-15 years.

-Reliance on Iran’s open reaffirmation in the agreement that it will not seek, develop, or acquire nuclear weapons is untrustworthy and even naïve, given Iran’s past record of concealing its nuclear activities, its periodic declarations of hostility vis-à-vis the U.S. and Israel, and its regime’s messianic aspirations.

-In short, the agreement unilaterally and unconditionally grants Iran everything it has been seeking without any viable quid-pro-quo from Iran to the international community.

-Above all, it should be obvious that no possible sympathetic statement by the U.S. Administration, or even military or other compensation, could logically stand against paving the route to a nuclear arsenal by a state that repeatedly declares its commitment to obliterate Israel.

In order to obtain a nuclear arsenal, Iran has to acquire sufficient quantities of fissile material (uranium enriched to around 90 percent or processed plutonium), gain the ability to turn this material into a weapon (“weaponization”), and produce delivery systems, with an emphasis on long-range missiles. In addition, it has to be able to protect its nuclear facilities from attack so that it may safely cross the sensitive period in which it is trying to produce a nuclear arsenal but it has not yet completed a nuclear bomb (the “threshold”).

The deal solves all of Iran’s problems, if it is ready to wait 10-15 years, by shortening the threshold that separates it from a nuclear arsenal to practically no time. It does not effectively prevent Iran from breaching the agreement and achieving its goal even earlier, if it decides that the conditions justify it.

Iran is permitted to maintain a heavy water nuclear reactor in Arak, in clear contradiction to the original demand that it replace its heavy water reactor, ostensibly intended for civilian purposes, with a light water reactor. The exact design and details of the new reactor are not known yet, but as long as the reactor is a heavy water one, changes may be carried out in a way that will increase the plutonium production to enable production of sufficient plutonium for use in nuclear weaponry.

The provisions of the agreement regarding inspections and supervision of undeclared sites provide no genuine possibility of ascertaining or proving prohibited activity by Iran.

The agreement imposes no limitations on Iran’s ability to produce more ground-to-ground missiles with a range of 1,700-2,000 km., capable of covering the entire Middle East region.

Similarly, it imposes no limitations on Iranian efforts to develop ICBM missiles with an extended range of up to 10,000 km., capable of carrying nuclear warheads and reaching the east coast of North America.

Immediately after the agreement was reached, Iran declared that it will soon receive  advanced S-300 air defense missile system from Russia and planes from China – deals that make a mockery out of the prohibition on arms acquisition.

The agreement provides Iran with assurances of international assistance in the protection of its nuclear installations from attempts to harm them, as well as access by Iran to cooperation with foreign states in the field of nuclear installation safety and security.

In summation, the agreement enables Iran to achieve its goal of becoming a hegemon power in the region even before acquiring the nuclear weapons it wants to possess as a tool for achieving this goal.

The hopes enunciated by the U.S. Administration that the agreement will bring about a moderation of the extreme nature of the Iranian regime are nothing more than a naïve illusion and wishful thinking.

The confidence of the U.S. Administration in its ability to monitor Iranian compliance by intelligence means is misplaced. History has proven that revealing foreign nuclear agendas, including those of North Korea, Iran, Syria, Pakistan, India and Iraq, by U.S. intelligence was far from impressive. The covert nature of such activities would clearly pose extremely difficult problems for any viable intelligence collection.

Israel, which is not a party to the agreement, will clearly face increased dangers and will be obliged to invest huge resources to enhance its intelligence and defense capabilities in light of the real threat emanating from Iran.

Given the agreement’s acceptance and the acknowledgment of Iran as a threshold nuclear state, it is highly likely that Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey, as well as other states, will find themselves in an arms race to acquire their own respective military nuclear capability. This, in itself, will pose a direct challenge to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and to regional and world stability, and will ignite a nuclear arms race in the Middle East.

The substantial concessions to Iran by the United States in the agreement and its failure to stand by essential prior commitments and promises cast a very serious shadow over the reliability and dependability of the U.S. vis-à-vis its allies and regional partners …


(What President with the best interests of the US in mind could possibly accept this tragic agreement and then try to sell it to a complicit, irresponsible Congress and the completely uninformed and misinformed American public?)


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